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A House of Representatives ad-hoc committee probe, triggered by the January 2012 subsidy protests, found that of roughly ₦1.7 trillion paid out in subsidy claims in 2011, a substantial share was linked to marketers who imported little or no fuel, forged documentation, or claimed for volumes that never arrived — implicating dozens of companies and government officials.

The probe's findings were referred for prosecution, but only a small number of marketers faced charges over the following years, and most cases moved slowly or were quietly discontinued. No senior government official was convicted over the findings during Jonathan's remaining time in office.

Farouk Lawan, the House of Representatives lawmaker who chaired the fuel subsidy fraud probe, was secretly filmed by billionaire oil marketer Femi Otedola allegedly collecting $620,000 in cash to remove Otedola's company from the list of firms indicted by the probe.

Lawan denied wrongdoing and was suspended from his committee role but retained his House seat for the remainder of his term. Formal criminal charges were filed by the Federal Government, but the trial dragged on for years without a verdict during the remainder of Jonathan's presidency.

John Yakubu Yusuf, a former Assistant Director in the Police Pension Office, was found to have led a scheme that diverted roughly ₦2 billion meant for retired police officers' pensions into shell companies and personal accounts, leaving thousands of elderly pensioners unpaid.

Yusuf was convicted in January 2013, but the Federal High Court initially sentenced him to a fine and a suspended two-year term rather than imprisonment, sparking nationwide outrage. Under public pressure, prosecutors appealed, and he was later re-sentenced to a longer custodial term, though victims' full restitution remained incomplete.

CBN Governor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi wrote to the Finance Ministry in 2013 and testified to the Senate in 2014 alleging that the NNPC had failed to remit approximately $20 billion in crude oil revenue to the federation account between January 2012 and July 2013.

A subsequent PwC forensic audit found a smaller reconciliation gap than Sanusi's original figure, and no senior NNPC or government official was prosecuted over the missing funds during the remainder of Jonathan's term. Sanusi himself was suspended as CBN Governor by Jonathan in February 2014, days after repeating the allegation publicly, before his five-year term was due to expire that June.

Aviation Minister Stella Oduah was accused of authorising the purchase of two armoured BMW saloon cars for her personal office use at a cost of roughly ₦255 million, well above market value and in violation of public procurement rules, at a time when many of Nigeria's regional airports lacked basic safety infrastructure.

A Public Accounts Committee investigation confirmed procurement irregularities, and Oduah was quietly dropped from the cabinet in a reshuffle in early 2014. She was never criminally charged over the purchase and went on to win a Senate seat later that same year.

A National Assembly investigation found that the NNPC had continued to sell household kerosene at a subsidised price to itself and marketers over several years despite the subsidy on kerosene having been officially removed by the government, pocketing the difference rather than passing savings to consumers or remitting the funds to the treasury.

The National Assembly demanded an explanation and recovery of the diverted funds, but the NNPC disputed the committee's figures, and no clear resolution or public accounting of recovered funds was reached before the end of Jonathan's term.

As Petroleum Resources Minister for the entirety of Jonathan's elected term (2010-2015), Diezani Alison-Madueke oversaw an opaque crude-for-product swap regime and a subsidy system later found by multiple probes to have facilitated large-scale diversion of oil revenue, alongside allegations of lavish personal spending traced to oil-linked funds.

No action was taken against her domestically before she left office with Jonathan in May 2015. She was arrested in London by the UK's National Crime Agency later that year, and the EFCC and international authorities pursued asset recovery and prosecution efforts for years afterward, but she was never tried or sentenced during the period covered by Jonathan's own administration.

A Senate probe into the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA), under Director-General Patrick Akpobolokemi, found irregularities in the disbursement of the Cabotage Vessel Financing Fund, intended to support indigenous shipowners, including allegations that funds were awarded without due process to companies with links to agency officials.

The Senate recommended further investigation and possible prosecution, but no conviction resulted before the end of Jonathan's term, and Akpobolokemi remained in his position until the administration left office in May 2015.

Beyond the Oduah car scandal, a wider Public Accounts Committee review of the ₦140 billion Aviation Intervention Fund — created to modernise airports and support the sector after a series of fatal air crashes — found weak documentation and questionable disbursements across several contracts under the ministry's watch.

The committee's report was submitted to the House, but no comprehensive independent audit of the full fund was published, and no additional officials beyond Oduah faced consequences before the end of the term.

Civil society groups and some lawmakers alleged that constituency project allocations inserted into the federal budget by National Assembly members were routinely padded, duplicated across budget years, or awarded to contractors with no capacity to execute them, with limited public disclosure of how funds were ultimately spent.

Successive calls for a full public audit of constituency project spending were not acted upon, and the National Assembly did not publish a comprehensive accounting before the end of Jonathan's term.